First Published in 1997. The alternation between high vowels and glides is shown here to follow from the interaction of phonological constraints as defined by Prince and Smolensky's (1993) Optimality Theory. The alternation stems from simultaneously comparing moraic and nonmoraic parses of high vowels for constraint satisfaction

Samuel Rosenthall, Edited by Lawrence Horn, Yale University

1 Introduction 2 Surface Patterns of Underlying Vowel Sequences 3 Metrical Influences on Syllabification 4 Other Sources of Glides